Decentralize language, decolonize India; Why India needs a fresh approach to its language challenges?

A lingering divide

India’s linguistic diversity – encompassing 1,600+ languages per the 2001 Census – remains a source of tension, tied to identity and access. Tamil Nadu’s continuing objection to the 2020 National Education Policy’s three-language framework and Karnataka’s defence of Kannada reveal deep divides. The Central government’s uniform language policy, a colonial holdover, struggles to resolve this.

India thrived as a civilizational state for millennia without such centralized control – Dharmic voices often proclaim this proudly. Empowering states to shape their linguistic paths aligns with that legacy, proving a masterful decision for the nation – politically promising for the BJP, with support from many quarters – and a vital stride in decolonization, needing swift pursuit.

A policy shaped by colonial hands

Centralized language control is not an Indian creation but a colonial imposition. Before British rule, no single authority governed expression. Ashoka’s edicts, from 250 BCE, used Brahmi, Greek, and Aramaic, suited to each region. The Cholas relied on Tamil in the south, the Guptas on Sanskrit in the north; Mughals introduced Persian, yet Marathi and Bengali stood firm. Language grew locally, unscripted – India endured as a civilization through this fluidity, not a forced standard.

British governance imposed English as a tool of dominance, sidelining native tongues. Post-1947, India retained this – the Constitution, enacted in 1950, designated Hindi and English as official languages, embedding a colonial framework masked as unity. This is yet another example of faulty basis of India’s Constitution.

The strain of Central authority

This inherited system falters. The 1968 three-language policy, set in the National Policy on Education, sought balance but stumbled – Tamil Nadu’s 1965 anti-Hindi protests resulted in over 60 deaths and mass unrest, opposing Hindi’s rise. In 2021, Chief Minister M K Stalin dismissed the NEP’s language clause as overreach, retaining Tamil and English.

English prevails – over 80% of higher education depends on it, per a 2022 UGC report – leaving languages like Telugu or Odia undervalued. Central directives imply regional shortfall, a notion absent pre-colonially when India’s civilizational strength held without such oversight.

This British-born approach misfits India’s diversity.

Decolonization demands action

To shed this colonial legacy, India must grant states linguistic authority and dismantle Hindi promotion – an effort all decolonization advocates must now actively pursue, lest they stand accused of hypocrisy. Dharmics frequently herald India as a civilizational state, enduring without a centralized control – our survival across centuries proves it. In calling for decolonization, ignoring this colonial relic while dismantling legacies elsewhere – law, education, governance – is untenable; dismantling it is a must.

The 1967 Lohia Committee suggested states choose link languages, though ignored. Recent moves – Karnataka’s 2018 Kannada school focus and Telangana’s 2022 Telugu mandate – echo this. The centre must disband bodies under the Home Ministry, which allocated Rs.73 crore in 2023-24 to promote Hindi alone – an insensitive holdover. This is decolonization, needing urgency.

A practical framework

Centre must offer a plan to amend Articles in the Constitution with a Hindi-English bias – demands raised in 1956 but overlooked. Permit states to designate languages for education and governance, as Andhra did with Telugu or Tamil Nadu with its two-language model.

The centre steps back: English serves as an optional link, not a requirement. Provide central funding to support technical institutes in Telugu, courts in Marathi, and clinics in Odia, easing English’s grip. Integrate AI translation for effortless exchange – a Punjabi merchant and Kannada farmer could connect without imposition. This approach will garner wide backing – from southern states to regional parties – offering the BJP a politically astute move.

A defining opportunity

This builds on history – the 1965 unrest, the 1967 proposal, Tamil Nadu’s 2021 resolve – offering a transformative shift. It targets a colonial construct that favors Hindi disregarding India’s pluralism. A Tamil student might preserve her heritage freely; a Marathi professional might rise without English as a hurdle. This is not division but empowerment—breaking the back of “Breaking India” forces in Tamil Nadu and linguistic chauvinism across India, while rendering the 60-year-old Hindi imposition narrative obsolete, all reinforced by resources and technology.

It’s a masterful step for India’s unity and growth, echoing our civilizational resilience, and holds political promise for the BJP, drawing support from diverse quarters—Dravidian parties, eastern states, and beyond. India’s linguistic diversity seeks no single voice but a collective resonance.

Pre-colonial practice embraced this; colonial rule restrained it. State-led policy, enacted soon, is not just a fresh approach – it’s a reclamation. All who champion decolonization must move beyond mere talks at literary festivals and act – turning words into impact proving their sincerity.

Note:
1. Text in Blue points to additional data on the topic.
2. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily represent or reflect the views of PGurus.

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