“Asal Nepal”: A Himalayan country of lone Nepalis caught between Kathmandu (March 28) and Birgunj (April 12)

Clashes, curfews, and civil strife: Nepal at a crossroads

Background

Tinkune-Kathmandu tear-gas, firing and fatalities labelled as a political clash of ideologies, and Birgunj stone pelting from mosques, curfew during a Hindu festival, summed up as communal violence. Are these just standalone events or a wake-up call for Nepal and a Nepali’s identity? Amidst these events, one wonders what a Nepali identity is and who preserves, nurtures, and safeguards.

In a mere gap of 15 days, Nepal’s two cities- namely, Kathmandu and Birgunj witnessed ideological clashes, violence between two opposing sides, injuries to people, and attacks on public property. However, the coverage and response/ reaction to the two events differed. Can these events be pushed under the veil of a “popular narrative” to be shoved away with minimal actions, or are these early warning signals for the State and the civil society to pause and reflect with an open mind?

Did anyone make a genuine effort to analyze these events independently without any prejudice or bias? Neither of these events can be analyzed with a background of pro and anti-monarchy, nor blaming any talk of Hindu rights as the Hindutva surge in Nepal. These events should also not be judged through the lens of mere political order change or a coloured view of minority rights. It would also not be fair to judge these events through the lens of Madhesh, known for its movement for ethnic/ caste rights, or from Kathmandu, where the Western agenda can be seen influencing the decision-making.

Executive summary

Anarchism

The new word in the Nepali discourse during the March 28 event was “Anarchism” for any voice against the establishment on the streets. This reference isn’t a mere fad. Regrettably, the next governments may end up using this term more frequently and term any agitator or opposition as an anarchist and suppress dissent. The self-inflicted fear of dissent for the sitting government was so much so that a curious passerby standing next to demonstrators or expressing an opinion as a witness or sharing one’s free views was also labelled as an anarchist. What could be more brutal in a country’s timeline than when a countryman terms a fellow Nepali an anarchist? Is that not a breakdown of social cohesiveness? The use of expletives or character assassination was commonly seen in public discourse. Politicians blamed civil society for the downfall in moral character, and civil society blamed politicians for going too extreme in curbing opposition or any other political ideology. There has been widespread misuse of the political landscape under the democratic system, where the power sharing among the mainstream parties has given 17 years of asymmetrical and non-performing coalition governments.

Domestic colonization

Experts say why a Nepali complaint when the country has performed well on indicators of growth and progress. It was a need of the hour to find out more about the state of affairs, if that merits attention. The reasoning was an eye-opener:

• Some say they are unhappy when a lifetime cadre of the Nepali Congress, believing in democratic values, has to vote for a communist coalition leader. Nepali people often turn around and ask, “Can you imagine what will happen if the BJP and Congress form a two-thirds majority Government in India?”
• People say their lifestyles have improved over the decades, but they cannot comprehend when asked to vote for those who inflicted wounds during the armed conflict.
• Nepali people talk about the pain of armed conflict, the loss of identity, loved ones, and belongings. They say money doesn’t heal the attack on self-respect when forced to flee, abandoning their land in search of security.

The pain of the people’s war has not healed the common Nepali to date. A fellow Nepali turns away without empathy to others’ pain, as one must stand by the political party one is a cadre of. Nepali people are divided today as followers of one political party against the other. It is not an angry society, but a lack of social cohesiveness has made them isolated and indifferent to each other.

Nepalis are known globally to be a resilient society. If any reader is thinking about excessive social media outbursts or attacks on each other’s opinions, one will concur that being vocal is a different issue, but being tolerant and waiting for a better tomorrow is natural for a Nepali. The revolt builds up with that inherent silence and perhaps explains the insecurity in their words, attacking each other’s identity.

The People’s War gave birth to an insecure and traumatized commoner who couldn’t prevent the rise of misrule across the country since the dethronement in 2008. The democratic journey started off well, but soon turned into the hegemony of a handful of leaders, who shared power by turns. The development agenda over the years was marred by public sector projects tainted with policy-level corruption and nepotism.

Unless the cup of dissatisfaction overflows, Nepali people do not take to the streets. Once they do, they collectively raise their demands, as was seen in a recent Teachers’ protest in April 2025. The protest led to the resignation of the Education Minister, but the demand for the New Education Bill is still in jeopardy. Sooner or later, these collective protest voices are divided by those with vested interests, and the protest starts falling apart. Eventually, another committee or a commission is formed to give them a false sense of hope, which may last another decade before any resolution. The stakeholders may feel happy that the teacher protests died, but not forget that in the inner core of a Nepali teacher, there remains a fire of rejection for their due rights, respect, and identity. Occupying streets does not mean a change in the short run. They ungroup and group again unless a determined and notable collective emerges firmly to stand up against the undue pressures and manipulative tactics of those with vested interests. The same has happened to the case of “Meter Byaj” victims. Especially, in rural areas, a significant portion of the population relies on informal lenders who extract as high as 30-120% or more interest per annum. However, the argument of misuse of microfinance lending is only being used for political vendetta and not for the relief of the victims. A commoner Nepali says, “We have been subjugated as slaves by our leaders. We were not colonized by a foreign state. But by politicians and microfinance companies, who have been extracting our sweat and blood with no reprieve to the victims for years, and only commissions are being formed.” No one cares for the grassroots or the last mile, in a nutshell.

The current state of misgovernance has led to a degradation of national public and private institutions and an unchecked surge of foreign education and charitable/ development institutions. The reality today is that a Nepali teen wants an experience certificate from these International Non-governmental Organizations and leave Nepal for studies abroad. There is a surge in the migrant workforce as well. Ironically, both the government and international organizations were recently seen applauding an increase in remittances as good news for the economy. However, none analysed how an overly-remittance-dependent economy is a sustainable model, or whether a society where only older people will be left behind is a healthy society, or whether an economy with a lack of consumption will eventually lead to lower productivity is good news? Is that “Asal Nepal”?

It was often said that Maoist insurgency had the character of impunity, where the local administration facilitated the acts of brutality by law enforcement authorities on local people. The role of administration and police during the events of March 28, characterized by fatalities and injuries, and a lack of the government’s willingness to institute an independent inquiry despite the direction of the parliamentary committees, leads people to compare impunity then and now. With such heavy questions, no Nepali thinks of which political system is good or bad. They do not trust facts and figures, even if someone showcases progress under different political ideologies. They simply add up unchecked corruption by constitutional agencies, political vendetta against opposition leaders, and interference of the political parties in key appointments. It is at this juncture of collective failure that they are again shaken up in their psyche when termed as an anarchist for asking questions to the lawmakers or the ruling establishment.

The are no easy answers to today’s anger, helplessness, and anxiety among people. These have to be searched with empathy and patience. No artificial intelligence tool can help decode this.

The events and the open questions

Kathmandu political demonstration – March 28

On the call of the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), a rally and a janasabha (public gathering) were called at Tinkune, Kathmandu on 28th March 2025. Over the last few years, the RPP, the fourth-largest party in the 2022 elections, has been raising voices occasionally for the return of the constitutional monarchy and Hindu Rashtra. However, in an unusual development in 2025, former royals Mr Gyanendra Shah and Mrs Himani Shah were suddenly active on social media with their appeal to 3 crore Nepalis to rebuild the nation, restore governance, and uphold Nepal first. Since his dethronement in 2008, the former Royal had rarely spoken on the national agenda in public and was mostly seen during festivities or public appearances. The change since February 2025 was more visible. In hindsight, one can say it was more of form than substance. However, RPP with the civilian King led to some form of political churn. Whether it will sustain or fizzle out, only time will tell.

March 28 events turned out to be ugly and violent, and the RPP Janasabha could barely take off. It has been reported in the media that the crowds went unruly, a section turned into a mob, and the state police had to resort to the use of force and ammunition. Social Media posts were full of videos and accounts of violence and injuries. However, the veracity of these videos and claims had to be independently verified. Despite an outcry, the public appeared to be divided on the need for an independent investigation. In a nutshell, the country was divided into multiple identities to counter or defend the events and outcome of March 28. It wasn’t clear what the insecurity was all about. It may be time to conclude that signs of one Nepali against another Nepali’s identity were emerging.

Sadly, the events of March 28 culminated in the media and government prejudging and, without an independent and fair investigation, affixing responsibility for violence and vandalism on the streets, and loss of life and property on the former royal King Gyanendra, now a commoner.

The number of police personnel deployed, and the quantum of arms and ammunition used, did not meet the normal eye. What was the real motive behind heavy deployment – safety and security, or disruption of pro-monarchy and pro-Hindu Rastra, the agenda?

The question that remains unanswered to date is – does the change in political order, going back to a constitutional monarchy, bring newer experienced leaders who will uphold national interest and ensure ethics in politics and administration? Do they have credentials, skills, and experience, and are known for their ethical leadership? Or would the same parliamentarians be back in the system?

It is not a question of looking the other way when frustrated with a current political system and, in a lethargic way, picking up one of the political options on the table. It is the unwillingness to look within together as a community, to stand for each other, and be productive and assertive to build back the nation that is where the challenge lies. However, one may ignore all of the above and enjoy motorbike rallies as a show of power.

Parsa – Birgunj Hanuman Jayanti – April 12

On 12 April 2025, Hindu devotees gathered for the Hanuman Jayanti Shobha Yatra (Hindu procession with deity) in Birgunj. The city echoed with spiritual bhajans, and rejoicing devotees could be seen on the streets. The Shobha Yatra was joined by eminent persons from the society as well as the Chief District Officer and senior police officials who not only provided security but also walked with the honour and pride of a devotee at the mass spiritual rally. The shops, houses, and every nook and corner of the city were decorated. But as soon as the procession reached Idhgah Chowk in the Chappakiya locality, there was heavy stone peltin,g attacking the Shobha Yatra. One such hurled stone injured a senior police official badly. Similarly, many Hindu devotees were injured. Stone pelting from the rooftop of the mosque and neighbouring Muslim houses continued. Hindu devotees retaliated and ran around for safety. In a matter of hours, the auspicious and joyous atmosphere had turned violent and was given coverage as clashes between two ideologies followed by curfew orders. Many locals in Birgunj asked when Hindu leaders organize the Iftar for Muslim leaders, why is there no stone pelting on the Iftar celebrations? In one news portal, it was said that during the winter, the Mayor had donated warm heaters to Mosques, but there was no stone pelting by Muslim youth on the Mayor at that time. In one of the videos on social media, an old Muslim resident from Chhapakiya can be seen saying that Hindu processions shouldn’t pass through Muslim-dominant areas. Ironically, Hindus say they have never resorted to such exclusions when the Muslim festival takes to the streets. One person remarked, “Has there been any curfew during the Daah? If not, then why does no one speak for Hindus in their land?”

Conclusion

Identity is a fact that doesn’t need a conclusion. Being proud of the civilizational Sanatan identity does not in any way diminish the coexistence of a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society of Nepal. Also, the choice of any political system, a democratic republic/ Hindu Rashtra/ Constitutional Monarchy, should also not inhibit dialogue or community conversations. Social cohesiveness enables dialogue and resolution. However, social cohesiveness flows from being proud of one’s roots. The lines of insecurity disappear with openness to hear others’ views and opinions.

Last but not least, preserving democracy does not mean abuse of power, misuse of the State’s institutions, laws, and regulations to curb dissent or the voice of opposition, and sending opposition leaders to prison. Currently, Nepal’s two-thirds majority government, with the two leading political parties of the 2022 general elections, is running more as political parties than as a government. Political polarization has snatched a Nepali identity from a national identity. They are so polarized and regrettably myopic that the country is running with diffused lines of identity, no long-term vision of national priorities, and fragile national security. The global powers know very well the strategic importance of the Himalayan state, but the Nepali leadership and civil society have lost interest in safeguarding “Asal Nepal”.

In the meantime, if nothing changes, the national leaders will run the country effectively with misgovernment, while the foreign powers will contest their dirty games in Nepal.

Note:
1. Text in Blue points to additional data on the topic.
2. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily represent or reflect the views of PGurus.

For all the latest updates, download PGurus App.

The post “Asal Nepal”: A Himalayan country of lone Nepalis caught between Kathmandu (March 28) and Birgunj (April 12) appeared first on PGurus.